Japanese Fight Remilitarization
Interviewed by Dae-Han Song & Michael McGrath
Seishi Hinada is a National Executive Committee member of ZENKO (National Assembly for Peace and Democracy). ZENKO emerged in 1970 out of the student movement in the 1960s. He joined in 1981 as a university student activist in the anti-nuclear peace movement in Hiroshima. The International Strategy Center’s Dae-Han Song and Michael McGrath met to interview Seishi online. The interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.
Protesters opposed to the militarization of Okinawa. Photo: ZENKO
ISC: There are many similarities and differences between Japan and South Korea and their relationship with the U.S. Some dynamics appear paradoxical and contradictory but make sense within a historical context and process. And so we wanted to explore Japan's relationship with the United States a bit more because the U.S. and Japan fought as enemies in World War II. And the U.S., of course, carried out some major atrocities in Japan, dropped two nuclear bombs, and firebombed Tokyo. Nonetheless, there are about 55,000 U.S. military personnel in Japan, with about 85 bases and about half of these forces stationed in Okinawa Island. So yeah, what's the general attitude of the average Japanese person towards the U.S. military presence? We know that Okinawans have a different relationship. So if you could talk about that a little bit more and what shapes these attitudes?
Seishi: After Japan's defeat in World War II, Japan was first militarily demilitarized by the U.S. We had the ninth article in the present constitution, and we renounced war and military force. Japan accepted it on condition that Emperor Hirohito was exempted from his responsibilities for serious war crimes he committed during the war as the supreme leader of Imperial Japan. He ended up being stipulated as the symbol of Japan in the postwar pacifist constitution. On the other hand, the U.S. was not held accountable for the violation of international law in dropping two atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, killing thousands upon thousands of civilians in both cities. Thus, the ruling circles of the two countries have been in collusion, in a sense, with each other. The U.S. did not hold Emperor Hirohito accountable for the atrocities committed in colonizing Korea and invading China and other Asian countries, while Japan did not hold the U.S. accountable for the illegal and indiscriminate mass killing of civilian populations by the A-bombings. So this collusion was to make Japan an anti-communist bulwark against the USSR at the time. It was no wonder that the U.S. encouraged Japan after the war to restart rearmament and maintain a great number of U.S. military bases in Japan. This complicit relationship between the two countries has caused a lack of a sense of war responsibility among the Japanese general public and a lack of attitude to pursue U.S. responsibility. As a result, the Japanese people in general, except those who suffer damage near the bases like in Okinawa and other cities, are very lenient about the existence of U.S. military bases within Japan.
The movement in Okinawa against the military base has been very strong compared to other parts of Japan. Recently, younger people in Okinawa have started joining the movement organized by older activists. So there is definitely a strong peace movement in Okinawa, stronger than in other parts of Japan.
ISC: Currently, the U.S. is waging a new Cold War against China, and one of the key components of its military strategy is the U.S.-Japan-South Korea trilateral military alliance. And in South Korea, Yoon Seok-yul has made various concessions to smooth the way towards the consolidation of this military alliance, in Japan, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has promised to increase Japan's military budget by 50% over the next five years. What are the Japanese public's thoughts around this re-militarization in Japan? Perhaps you could also talk a little bit about the reactions that you got when you were doing a public speaking tour.
Seishi: The Japanese government is making the most of the war in Ukraine and the rocket launch by DPRK in getting the general public behind its policy of massive military expansion and acquiring the capabilities to attack foreign bases. Regarding the military buildup by the Japanese government, the general public seems to be in support of those policies, but there are weak points. When it comes to financing the military budget, while the Japanese in general tend to support the buildup itself, when it comes to a tax hike for the sake of military expansion, the approval ratings will drop. So Kishida cannot talk out loud about the tax hike, and the only option he has left is to cut the budget in every other field: social welfare, healthcare, education, and all the rest of it. In addition, the Japanese population is shrinking more quickly than previously anticipated. So the government is asked to take drastic measures to deal with this issue too. But again, they cannot finance it because they allocate a large share of the budget to military expenses. I think by exposing these contradictions, more and more people will realize the necessity to radically shift the policy of military alliance and military buildup toward peaceful dialogue and disarmament in this modern age. The general public's consciousness is changing, I think. I don't think Kishida's support base is so strong.
ISC: What is the opposition party's view on military expansion?
Seishi: In parliamentary politics, the ruling parties consist of the LDP and Komeito. But in the opposition, there are two parties that do not really oppose the government and want to form a coalition. The Renovation Party stands even to the right of the ruling parties. So the real opposition is the Japanese Communist Party, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, the Social Democrats in Japan, and other smaller progressive parties. They are in the absolute minority in the parliamentary seats. So, you know, they are having a hard time in the parliament. We need the social movement to support them outside the parliament because within the parliament, they are in the absolute minority.
ISC: I heard that the government might release discharges into the ocean in July. What is the general public's attitude towards that, and what about the people in Fukushima?
Seishi: The general public's consciousness in Japan is controlled by the corporate media, so they do not cover anything about this discharge or the situation in Fukushima. However, there was a demonstration in Tokyo just a week ago in front of the TEPCO company to voice opposition to the discharge. There is a movement, especially in Fukushima. The fishermen's association in Fukushima is strongly against the discharge. The government claims they will not discharge without the understanding and cooperation of the fishermen, but they haven't gained their understanding yet. So they are still strongly against it. But the problem is that in the everyday news and the mainstream media, it's not covered. So the general public is not interested or does not know about the situation.
ISC: ZENKO has been fighting against the US military base in Okinawa. What is driving this campaign? Why is ZENCO opposed to Japan's remilitarization? How has ZENCO been struggling against it? And what is the role of international solidarity in this struggle?
Seishi: ZENKO holds an annual national assembly in the summer. This year, we are holding it in Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture at the end of July. In 1987, we held the assembly in Okinawa, and all members visited Okinawa and met survivors of the Battle of Okinawa to learn from their war experiences. We learned from them that the military will not protect civilians. We also met Okinawa anti-base activists, and we saw the strong anti-base movement in Okinawa that we couldn't see in mainland Japan. Since then, we have been in solidarity with Okinawa Islanders' struggles.
“No More Battle of Okinawa” was formed a couple of years ago when Okinawan activists felt it was urgent to stop the militarization and fortification of Okinawa Islands because those moves were preparations for war. The US and Japan are now talking a lot about the Taiwan emergency, and other missiles and war machines are being deployed in Okinawa Island. They feel a real war crisis in Okinawa, like the war is approaching. The slogan "No More Battle of Okinawa" reflects that sense of war crisis. They are organizing a prefecture-wide organization to oppose militarization in Okinawa and promote grassroots diplomatic efforts for peace through dialogue with people in surrounding areas like Taiwan, China, and Korea.
ISC: From the recent international peace conference, it became clear that while Japan is dependent on US military strength, Japan also plays a leading role in the region. Former Prime Minister Abe, in particular, played a key role in creating the concept of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. What is the current Kishida government's vision for Japan's role in the region?
Seishi: Basically, Kishida is following the path set by Abe. However, in terms of the scale and content of military expansion, Kishida is worse than Abe. Some people emphasize that Japan is still dependent on the US militarily, economically, or politically and is, in a way, a colony of the United States. However, we should not overlook Japan's drive to become a military global power. Japan has already built an overseas military base in Djibouti, East Africa. In cooperation with the US and Korea, Japan aims to build up its military to be powerful enough to protect its vested interests around the globe. Additionally, Kishida is removing war compensation issues from the agenda and imposing a false solution on Korean War victims. We need to be very careful about what Kishida is doing now, considering these aspects.
ISC: What would ZENKO's alternative vision be for Japan's role in the region?
Seishi: First, Japan should provide an official apology and compensation to wartime victims, including victims of wartime sexual slavery and Korean workers forcibly mobilized by Japan. Second, Japan should engage in multilateral talks, such as the Six-Party Talks, to resolve conflicting issues through diplomacy and dialogue. ZENKO will support this direction from the grassroots levels. Finally, we should expand international solidarity work among the peoples of the countries concerned and raise our voices against militarization and the rhetoric of the new Cold War in this region. ZENKO has been actively involved in international solidarity efforts for the past two or three years, and we plan to resume those activities.
ISC: Thank you so much for your insights. It has been very helpful in better understanding Japan.